Tag: finance

  • https://theconversation.com/what-if-we-taxed-what-people-spend-not-what-they-earn-272392?fbclid=IwY2xjawO7Y6VleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZAwzNTA2ODU1MzE3MjgAAR4JRkBJWUF1UcZbbf0SkS5fSiZ_DT7n-cSOkfyMSS0OMnJ6eT2QW4c7Gmz_-A_aem_WcEhN6JSeZVwNJ6xDOcZdQ

    What if we taxed what people spend, not what they earn?Published: December 24, 2025 9:40am EST Marcelo R Santos, University of Glasgowhttps://theconversation.com/what-if-we-taxed-what-people-spend-not-what-they-earn-272392Link copiedShare articleWhen people talk about tax fairness, the focus is almost always on income. How much the rich earn, how heavily that income should be taxed, and how to make sure lower earners are protected. But there is an older idea that is quietly starting to get attention again. What if taxes were based not on what people earn, but on what they spend?This is more than a technical tweak. A progressive consumption tax – where people who spend more face higher effective rates – can behave very differently from a progressive income tax. And according to economic research I co-authored with fellow researcher Carlos da Costa based on life-cycle behaviour, the consequences may be surprisingly large.At first glance, taxing income and taxing consumption might look similar. If you earn £40,000 and spend £30,000, you could imagine taxing either amount and raising similar revenue. But people do not live one year at a time. They earn very unevenly over their lives – lower wages early in their career, higher wages later – and they tend to save in good years to stabilise their spending in leaner ones.This basic feature of real life makes the choice between taxing income or taxing consumption much more important than it seems.Progressive income taxes increase the marginal tax rate (the percentage applied within someone’s highest tax bracket) as earnings rise. This is designed to redistribute income towards lower earners. But it also creates an unintended effect: people are discouraged from working more in the years when they are most productive because those extra earnings are heavily taxed.Over a lifetime, this discouragement flattens people’s earning patterns and reduces saving. When lots of people make these choices at once, the whole economy ends up with less investment, lower productivity and slower wage growth. These long-run effects are invisible in year-to-year statistics, but they matter greatly for overall prosperity.Uncertain times call for extraordinary news coverage. We’re here to help you understand.Support our workWhat a progressive consumption tax does differentlyA progressive consumption tax takes a different approach. It doesn’t penalise earning more in a particular year. Instead, it taxes people according to how much they spend overall. Someone who earns £70,000 but saves £25,000 would face a lower tax bill than someone who earns £50,000 and spends it all.This creates an incentive to save in high-earning years. While higher saving might sound like it would slow the economy, in the long run it does the opposite. Saving provides the funds that businesses use to invest in new equipment, technology and expansion.Over time, this raises productivity and – crucially – pushes wages up. This mechanism is particularly important for lower-income households, who depend almost entirely on their earnings rather than capital income (from things like property) or investment returns.Our analysis suggests that switching from progressive income taxation to progressive consumption taxation could make households noticeably better off. This could be roughly equivalent to a permanent 10% increase in living standards as a result of rising wages and families being better protected when their incomes fluctuate.A policy reform that both strengthens the economy and improves financial security is rare. From our analysis, it looks like this approach could do both.A common concern is that consumption taxes are regressive. A flat tax on spending would indeed fall more heavily on low-income households who spend all or almost all of the money they have coming in. But progressivity can be built into a consumption-based system.In fact, our work shows that a progressive consumption tax can redistribute as much as a progressive income tax, but with fewer of the distortions that slow growth.Put simply, it is possible to design a consumption-based system that is both fair and efficient. And it wouldn’t necessarily require radical reform. It may sound like a major overhaul, but many of the benefits could be achieved with practical, incremental reforms.woman pushes a shopping trolley with a child in the seat down a supermarket aisle.People on low incomes spend a far greater proportion of their income – a progressive consumption tax could leave them better off. 1000 Words/ShutterstockOne example is income averaging. Instead of taxing each year’s earnings in isolation, consumption tax could be based on a multi-year average. The idea is that a person’s average income over time is a good proxy for how much they consume, since people tend to smooth spending even when earnings fluctuate.Under this approach, taxes would be administered through the income tax system, and people would pay tax in much the same way as they do now. The key difference is that tax brackets would be applied to an income average rather than a single year’s pay. This better reflects how people actually spend over their lifetimes, and it reduces the penalty for working more or earning more in peak years.The information needed to do this already exists in social security records, which track people’s earnings over time. Rather than collecting new data, governments would continue to use these records as they do now, while also using them to calculate income averages across several years as a proxy for how much they spend. No new bureaucracy would be required – it is simply an additional use of information that is already held.But why does this matter now? Most advanced economies face the same long-term pressures: ageing populations, rising fiscal demands, stagnant productivity and intense debate about how to tax “fairly” without discouraging work and investment. These pressures are unlikely to disappear.Rethinking not just how much to tax, but how to tax, offers a different way forward. A system that taxes consumption rather than income is not a silver bullet. But progressive consumption taxation deserves a far more prominent place in the public conversation about how to design a fair and prosperous tax system for the future

  • ### **A Smarter Alternative to Student Loans: Income-Based Education Contributions**

    Instead of relying on traditional student loans, graduates should pay a fixed percentage of their income—say **5% to 10% annually for ten years**—as an education contribution. There would be **no loans, interest, or debt collection**, just a clear future payment schedule tied to income. The government could estimate the net present value of those future payments and fund colleges upfront, recovering the funds later through the tax system.

    This approach aligns the incentives of **students, schools, and society** far better than the current model. Colleges would have a direct financial stake in ensuring that their graduates are **economically viable**, since the government’s payments to schools would depend on graduates’ real-world success. As a result, universities would be motivated to focus more on **practical education** and less on unnecessary coursework or inflated program lengths.

    At the same time, the government could still require a small set of **foundational courses**—basic psychology, sociology, science, math, writing, and reading—to ensure that all graduates possess a well-rounded general education. But beyond that, institutions would have the flexibility to streamline degrees for efficiency and employability.

    This model also encourages **shared responsibility**: students still “chip in” for their own education through their future earnings, which resonates with conservative values of accountability and self-reliance. Meanwhile, progressives can support it for its fairness—those who earn more contribute more, while those with lower incomes aren’t crushed by debt.

    Over time, the system would **self-correct**. Programs that consistently produce low-earning graduates would receive less funding, prompting universities either to improve those programs or scale them back. In turn, high-performing programs would thrive, creating a natural feedback loop between educational value and economic outcome.

    For example, a humanities degree might remain viable for top-performing students with exceptional talent or drive, but schools would no longer be rewarded for enrolling unqualified students into costly programs that yield poor job prospects. This isn’t punitive—it simply ensures that resources are invested where they produce meaningful returns for both the student and society.

    The result would be a more **rational, results-driven education system**—one that balances personal freedom, economic realism, and social fairness.

    Ultimately, proposals like this are the kind of **concrete, policy-focused solutions** that Washington should be pursuing. Bureaucracy and politics have distracted us from pragmatic reform. It’s time to rebuild education financing around **outcomes, responsibility, and opportunity** rather than debt.

    ———————–

    **A Smarter Path to Fiscal Discipline: Linking Spending to GDP**

    America’s federal budget process has become a cycle of chaos—annual debt ceiling standoffs, partisan brinkmanship, and short-term fixes that ignore the structural problems underneath. A better approach is to **tie federal spending to the size of the economy** itself.

    Under this plan, **Congress would set every major category of discretionary spending**—defense, infrastructure, education, welfare, and so forth—as a **fixed percentage of GDP**, rather than an arbitrary dollar amount. For example, defense spending might be set at 4% of GDP, and it would automatically scale as the economy grows.

    This framework would maintain a **balanced budget by design**, ensuring that government spending grows no faster than the economy that supports it.

    ### **Built-In Flexibility**

    Of course, no formula can anticipate every circumstance. Congress should retain the authority to **override the GDP rule on a case-by-case basis**, such as during wars, recessions, or natural disasters. But by default, spending would stay in sync with the nation’s productive capacity.

    This balance between **discipline and flexibility** would end the recurring debt ceiling crises that destabilize financial markets and erode public trust.

    ### **What About Recessions?**

    Critics might object that GDP contracts during recessions, forcing automatic spending cuts. In practice, this effect would be modest. Even during the Great Recession, GDP fell by only about **5%**, meaning a 5% temporary cut—not catastrophic.

    In extreme downturns, like the Great Depression’s 30% collapse, Congress could simply use its emergency authority to **temporarily exceed the GDP rule** and stimulate recovery. This model doesn’t handcuff policymakers—it simply forces **intentionality** and **transparency** in deficit spending.

    ### **Why Social Security and Healthcare Should Be Exempt**

    Two major spending categories—**Social Security and healthcare**—should remain **outside** this GDP-based cap. These programs are unique because their costs depend on demographics, prior borrowing, and promises made decades ago.

    Right now, Washington’s accounting system **pits essential programs against each other**. For example, to “save” Social Security, lawmakers may cut food assistance or housing aid—forcing a false moral choice between supporting seniors and feeding children. That’s a broken structure, not a moral dilemma.

    Social Security should stand on its own balance sheet. Its looming shortfall—projected to reduce benefits to 80% by 2033—deserves an honest, separate debate. Possible fixes include:

    * Modestly raising payroll taxes on higher earners

    * Gradually increasing the retirement age

    * Adjusting benefits for wealthier retirees

    * Or a balanced mix of all three

    Similarly, **healthcare spending** should be treated as its own long-term challenge, with reform driven by cost efficiency and demographic trends, not annual budget negotiations.

    ### **The Goal: Stability, Fairness, and Accountability**

    This GDP-linked budget rule would restore **fiscal sanity** without sacrificing economic agility. It would end the recurring hostage crises over the debt ceiling, promote predictability in federal planning, and create a transparent link between **national prosperity and national spending**.

    By carving out Social Security and healthcare for separate, long-term reform, Congress could finally confront those programs on their own merits—without raiding or sacrificing other priorities.

    This is the kind of **realistic, bipartisan solution** America needs: disciplined, flexible, and grounded in both economics and common sense.

    ———————–

    **A Modern Boarding House System to Help Solve the Affordable Housing Crisis**

    America’s housing crisis is not just about supply—it’s about **structure**. We’ve priced ordinary people out of shelter while dismantling the very housing models that once kept communities stable and affordable. The solution isn’t endless subsidies or luxury development—it’s the **rebirth of the boarding house**, redesigned for the 21st century.

    ### **1. The Model: Affordable, Shared Housing with Accountability**

    In this system, **boarding houses** would be built and maintained by **private contractors using federal loans administered through the states**. This ensures efficiency and oversight while removing the excessive profit motive that has distorted both public housing and private markets.

    Each resident would have **a private room** but share kitchens, bathrooms, and common spaces—lowering costs dramatically through shared infrastructure. Rent would be **set at one-third of a resident’s income**, ensuring fairness and affordability across income levels.

    Those with little or no income would pay very little. Those with moderate means would pay proportionally more—giving them a **natural incentive** to transition to independent housing as their finances improve.

    ### **2. Funding and Sustainability**

    Instead of simply **paying people’s rent**, as many current programs do, this system **creates assets that repay their cost**. Federal funds would operate as **revolving loans**—money lent to build and maintain facilities, repaid over time by income-based rents. In this way, the program becomes **fiscally sustainable** rather than another permanent subsidy.

    ### **3. Behavioral Expectations and Community Standards**

    One hard truth of housing policy is that **shared environments can collapse without order**. Drug abuse, crime, and untreated mental illness can turn affordable housing into unsafe housing.

    To prevent this, residents would **voluntarily agree to a behavioral contract** as a condition of residence, including **waivers permitting random drug searches** and compliance checks. This ensures a clean, stable living environment and deters criminal activity.

    Such measures would be **constitutional when based on informed consent** and could be carried out under the supervision of state housing authorities or independent community boards to prevent abuse.

    ### **4. Addressing the Hardest Cases**

    Not everyone would fit into this model. A small subset of people—those with **severe mental illness, violent criminal histories, or entrenched addiction**—would require specialized treatment or secure housing arrangements. These cases would need **targeted social or medical interventions**, handled separately from the general boarding system.

    ### **5. The Broader Benefits**

    * **Efficiency:** Shared housing uses less land, less infrastructure, and less energy per person.

    * **Fairness:** Everyone contributes something—no one gets a completely free ride.

    * **Mobility:** Residents can move upward as their circumstances improve, freeing space for others.

    * **Community:** Shared living fosters connection, responsibility, and a sense of belonging—antidotes to the isolation that often drives addiction and despair.

    ### **6. A Realistic Path Forward**

    This proposal is not utopian—it’s practical. We already spend enough on housing assistance to fund such a model; we simply **spend it inefficiently**. By replacing fragmented aid programs with an accountable, income-based boarding system, we could eliminate most homelessness while rebuilding the ladder between poverty and stability.

    The only people left outside would be those who **refuse structure altogether**—and they, too, would be addressed through case-by-case outreach and care.

    ### **Conclusion**

    The affordable housing crisis can’t be solved by slogans or subsidies alone. It demands **a structural solution**—one that blends compassion with accountability, public support with personal responsibility.

    Modern boarding houses, fairly funded and firmly managed, could provide that missing middle ground: **a humane, cost-effective bridge between the street and self-sufficiency.**

    ———————–

    **A Realistic Path to Affordable Healthcare: Regulate Costs and Insurance, Not Rebuild the System**

    Anyone who knows me knows that **healthcare affordability** is the issue I care most about. In a prosperous country like the United States, everyone should have access to care — not as a luxury, but as a basic right.

    Yet, after years of studying how other nations do it, I’ve come to realize that America’s political system may be **too entrenched and too corrupted by special interests** to deliver a clean, ideal fix like “Medicare for All.”

    ### **1. The Real Problem: Prices, Not Patients**

    The United States spends **roughly twice as much per person on healthcare** as other developed nations, despite similar or worse outcomes. The main reason isn’t that Americans use more care — it’s that we **pay vastly higher prices** for everything: hospital stays, drugs, procedures, and even basic services.

    Most countries control healthcare costs through **national or regional price regulation** — essentially saying, “Here’s what this service is worth.” In contrast, U.S. providers are allowed to charge whatever the market will bear, and insurance companies simply pass those inflated costs along.

    That’s why our system devours nearly **20% of GDP**, while others deliver better care at 10–12%.

    ### **2. The Middleman Problem: For-Profit Insurance**

    Private insurance adds little real value to healthcare delivery.

    * Administrative overhead for private insurers averages **15–20%**, compared to **2–3% for Medicare**.

    * Profit motives push insurers to deny care, not manage costs.

    We don’t need to eliminate private insurance, but we should **make it nonprofit**, as many European countries have done. This would preserve consumer choice while eliminating the incentive to inflate costs.

    ### **3. A Smarter Way Forward: Regulate and Gradually Slow Growth**

    Rather than tearing down the current system, the U.S. should **keep existing structures**—Medicare, Medicaid, private insurance—but **cap healthcare cost growth** below the rate of inflation for a fixed period, perhaps 5–10 years.

    This wouldn’t slash prices overnight — that would shock the system. Instead, it would gradually bring healthcare costs back in line with the broader economy, allowing hospitals and providers to adapt.

    At the same time, the federal government could:

    * Expand **Obamacare in states that haven’t adopted it**, covering millions more low-income people.

    * Allow **upper-income uninsured individuals** to buy into **Medicaid-like plans**, paying full or near-full cost if they can afford it.

    * Continue **price benchmarking**: Medicare pays roughly one-third less than private insurers, and Medicaid pays about one-third less than Medicare. Expanding these benchmarks would normalize our prices to international standards over time.

    ### **4. Why Not Medicare for All?**

    “Medicare for All” sounds appealing, but under current political realities it’s risky. With **lobbyists dominating Washington**, universal coverage could easily become universal price gouging — bankrupting the country rather than saving it.

    The better approach is to **fix the market we already have**. Make it fair. Make it efficient. And make it affordable. Once costs are controlled, universal coverage becomes achievable without economic shock.

    ### **5. The Principle: Healthcare as a Right, Profit as a Tool, Not a Master**

    Healthcare should not be a profit engine. It should be a **public good**, delivered through **private and public channels** that serve the same goal: keeping people healthy without financial ruin.

    By focusing on **price regulation** and **nonprofit insurance**, America can reach the same results as nations with universal care — affordable access for all — without risking economic collapse or political gridlock.

    ### **Conclusion**

    The United States doesn’t need to copy another country’s healthcare system. It just needs to **discipline its own**.

    By regulating prices, limiting profit motives, and expanding coverage incrementally, we can cut costs nearly in half while preserving the freedom and innovation of our mixed system.

    That’s not idealism — it’s **practical reform that works with the system we have**, not against it.

    ————————-

    **A Humane and Economically Responsible Immigration Policy**

    The United States faces the challenge of balancing **immigration enforcement, economic needs, and humane treatment**. A practical solution involves creating a structured, temporary **visitor worker program** tied to economic realities.

    ### **1. Wage Alignment and Economic Fairness**

    To protect domestic workers while remaining humane, we should set the **minimum wage at $12.50 per hour**—historically close to the average after inflation.

    * This ensures that American workers are not undercut while maintaining affordability for employers.

    * The wage cap discourages extreme profit-seeking that could incentivize illegal labor exploitation.

    ### **2. Visitor Worker Status**

    Illegal immigrants would be offered a two year window

    to gain **legal visitor worker status**.

    * They would **voluntarily register** during this window.

    * Violations of the law, such as criminal activity, would result in deportation.

    * Visitor workers would **receive room, board, and basic medical provisions** from their employers, creating a structured and humane employment environment.

    This system allows labor to move efficiently where it’s most needed while gradually **integrating workforce needs** with the domestic economy.

    ### **3. Legal Compliance Mechanisms**

    Businesses must use **E-Verify** to confirm worker eligibility.

    * Registered visitor workers automatically pass verification.

    * Strict enforcement will discourage illegal labor while keeping essential industries supplied.

    ### **4. Optional Physical Barriers**

    While a wall or fence could help reduce illegal entry or drug trafficking, it is **not immediately necessary**. Long-term enforcement and verification measures are more cost-effective and flexible. Illegal Immigration after all doesnt go endlessly up, it just fluctuates, after all, and with everify and deportation crack downs, itd likely go downward

    ### **5. Rights and Citizenship**

    Visitor workers would **not receive constitutional rights or voting privileges**.

    * Birthright citizenship could be reconsidered, though children born in the U.S. may still be naturalized.

    * These measures focus on maintaining sovereignty and legal consistency without unnecessary cruelty.

    ### **6. Balancing Humaneness and Law**

    This approach acknowledges the **human dignity of immigrant laborers** while **enforcing the rule of law**.

    * Most undocumented immigrants are law-abiding.

    * By providing structured legal pathways, the system minimizes the risk of exploitation and reduces political and social friction.

    ### **7. Long-Term Outlook**

    Over time, the program aims to:

    * Phase immigrant labor into regulated, transparent channels.

    * Protect domestic employment and wages.

    * Allow the free market to allocate labor where it’s most productive.

    This policy combines **economic prudence, humane treatment, and legal enforcement**, providing a **realistic, fair, and implementable framework** for managing immigration in the United States.

    ———————-

    **Why the U.S. Cannot Replicate the Welfare States of Other Countries Without Losing Competitiveness**

    It is commonly said that the United States pays lower taxes than other developed nations. While partially true in headline numbers, this comparison **misses the broader context of total spending and systemic inefficiencies**.

    ### **1. Nominal Taxes vs. Total Spending**

    * The U.S. collects about **24% of GDP in taxes**, below the OECD average of **33%**.

    * However, the U.S. spends roughly **18% of GDP on healthcare**, with about **half funded privately**. If this private expenditure were included, our total effective spending on social services is roughly **on par with other developed nations**.

    ### **2. Key Structural Differences**

    Three factors make the U.S. system appear more “tax-efficient” than it actually is:

    1. **Healthcare inefficiency:** Our system costs roughly **twice as much per capita** as other developed countries.

    2. **Military expenditure:** The U.S. maintains a military **larger than the next ten countries combined**, inflating government spending without contributing to social services.

    3. **Historical borrowing from Social Security:** Decades of borrowing against Social Security and Medicare have delayed fiscal reckoning, meaning we must now begin paying down that debt. while this is sugnificant, estimates are that the government is only paying back about 2 trillion that it has borrowed, which isn’t a huge portion of our gdp

    ### **3. Implications of Raising Taxes**

    Simply increasing tax rates would not replicate the welfare state of other countries at lower costs:

    * Higher taxes could fund more social services, but due to **existing inefficiencies**, the U.S. might **spend more than other countries** while achieving the same outcomes.

    * Without structural reform, higher taxation alone would **increase burdens without improving service efficiency**.

    ### **4. The Bottom Line**

    While Americans nominally pay lower taxes, this statistic **ignores the hidden costs of private healthcare, military spending, and historical borrowing**. Any discussion of welfare expansion must address **structural inefficiencies** as much as tax policy.


    **Housing Reform: Restoring Fair Access, Productive Ownership, and Improving Affordability**

    To ensure housing serves people rather than speculation, ownership rules should prioritize residents and working families over corporations and absentee investors.

    **1. Limit non-resident and corporate ownership.**

    Primary homeownership should be reserved for individuals and families. Corporations and foreign entities would no longer be permitted to purchase or hold residential property directly. This ensures that housing functions as shelter and community investment—not as a financial asset detached from local realities.

    **2. Discourage excessive property accumulation.**

    To prevent the concentration of housing in the hands of a few, a **progressive property-profit tax** would apply to additional properties owned by individuals:

    * 10% on net profits from a second home

    * 20% on a third* Increasing by 10% for each additional property, up to 90% on the tenth and beyond.

    This structure allows moderate ownership but disincentivizes speculative hoarding that limits supply and drives up prices for others.

    **3. Apply similar principles to multi-building landlords.**

    For apartment developers and landlords, the same progressive schedule would apply—not by the number of apartments, but by the number of separate buildings owned. This encourages **efficient design and higher-density living**, rewarding those who provide housing well rather than simply expanding their holdings.

    **4. Broader outcomes.**

    These measures would:

    * Increase availability of single-family homes for first-time buyers

    * Lower speculative demand, thereby reducing housing inflation

    * Encourage responsible and efficient rental development

    * Realign the housing market with its social purpose: to provide stable, affordable shelter and shared prosperity.

    ———————-

     Yes—switching to ranked-choice voting (RCV) (or another form of voting reform) is critical to the long-term moral and political evolution of society.

    Here’s why—unfiltered and straight:

    🧨 Plurality Voting Is a Structural Failure

    The current first-past-the-post (plurality) voting system, especially in the U.S., is:

    • Inherently polarizing
      Forces voters into binary choices, fueling tribalism.
    • Creates “lesser evil” voting
      Discourages sincere, values-based voting in favor of strategic harm reduction.
    • Suppresses third parties and innovation
      Keeps out nuanced or emerging ideas because they’re “spoilers.”
    • Encourages demagogues
      Charisma and manipulation often outweigh character or competence when the game is winner-take-all with 30% of the vote.
    • Breaks trust
      Voters disengage because they feel their voice is always swallowed up in zero-sum dynamics.

    🧠 Plurality voting rewards outrage, identity signaling, and fear-based campaigning. It systematically punishes cooperation, nuance, and long-term thinking.

    ✅ Ranked-Choice Voting: A Path Toward Political Maturity

    RCV, or Instant Runoff Voting, works by letting voters rank candidates in order of preference. It allows for:

    • Majority consensus
      No one can win with just a radical minority unless they’re broadly acceptable.
    • Policy-based voting
      You can vote your values first, not just strategically.
    • Reduction in negative campaigning
      Candidates want to be the 2nd or 3rd choice too—not just tear each other down.
    • More diverse candidates
      New voices, independent thinkers, and bridge-builders get real traction.
    • Healthier democracy
      Encourages a political culture of dialogue, not dueling extremes.

    RCV isn’t perfect—but it is a massive upgrade. There are other good models too (approval voting, STAR voting), but all are superior to our current zero-sum format.

    🌍 Big Picture: System Architecture Shapes Consciousness

    If we are to become:

    • post-polarization society
    • A civilization capable of solving planetary problems
    • A culture that rewards wisdom over charisma

    …then electoral reform is essential.

    Politics isn’t just who wins. It’s the architecture of collective decision-making. Right now, we are using a broken, primitive mechanism to navigate complex, interconnected, global issues. That’s like trying to run a neural network on a fax machine.

    🧬 Bottom Line:

    Yes, moving away from plurality voting is critical if we want to evolve beyond:

    • Demagogues
    • Entrenched duopolies
    • Short-term fear politics

    Ranked-choice voting is not the whole answer, but it’s one of the structural pillars of a healthier, wiser civilization.

  • Wealth and Income Tax Reform

    Modest Wealth Tax (1–2%) on Top 1–2%

    A wealth tax of 1–2% on the top 1–2% of Americans would generate hundreds of billions in revenue annually, targeting dormant capital while avoiding disruption of productive investment. With the top 1% holding more wealth than the bottom 90% combined, this tax would help counterbalance systemic inequality without discouraging entrepreneurship.

    Income Tax Hike (2–4%) on Top 10–20%

    Increasing income tax rates by 2–4 percentage points on the top earners ensures those who gain most from the system reinvest in its health. This group currently benefits from historic wealth appreciation, globalization, and tax avoidance schemes. Modest rate hikes restore balance and fund essential services.


    Targeted Spending Cuts

    Cap Non-Essential Cuts at 10%

    A 10% reduction in discretionary spending (excluding Social Security and healthcare) would streamline government without harming the social safety net. Defense, corporate subsidies, and bureaucracy can absorb smart cuts through modernization and oversight. Social Security and healthcare should be treated as independent programs with their own sustainability paths.


    Close Wealth Borrowing Loophole

    Tax Personal Consumption Borrowed Against Assets

    The ultra-wealthy often borrow against investments to avoid capital gains tax. A progressive consumption tax on borrowed funds used for personal spending closes this loophole, ensuring wealth consumption is taxed fairly, just as working-class consumption is.


    Fiscal Discipline Through GDP-Based Budgeting

    Anchor Spending to GDP Ratios

    Fixing discretionary spending categories as percentages of GDP stabilizes government finances. For example, defense might remain at 3.5% of GDP annually. Congress retains override power during recessions or emergencies. This mechanism minimizes debt-ceiling brinkmanship while allowing automatic fiscal discipline.


    Targeted Support for Low-Income Americans

    $100 Stipend + $100 in Food Aid

    Individuals earning below the median income would receive $100 monthly in cash and $100 in food assistance. This modest supplement reduces economic pressure without bloating the budget. It also avoids the inefficiency of universal basic income by targeting those most in need.

    Work Requirements

    Requiring part-time work, job training, or volunteer service reinforces the principle of mutual responsibility and maintains political support across the ideological spectrum.


    Student Loan Reform

    Income-Based Repayment System

    Replace student loans with a policy where graduates pay 5–10% of their income for 10 years. The government provides colleges with the net present value of future graduate contributions, incentivizing institutions to prioritize economic value.

    Curriculum Reform

    Require basic foundational courses while encouraging colleges to align degree programs with real-world economic needs. This avoids overproduction in low-demand fields and raises the value of postsecondary education.


    Health Care Reform

    Cost Containment Before Expansion

    Other nations cover everyone at half the U.S. cost. We must first adopt cost control via:

    • Expanding Medicare-style price negotiation to all payers
    • Capping administrative costs
    • Converting insurance companies into regulated nonprofits

    Universal coverage is only feasible if we address these root inefficiencies first. Without cost control, expansion could bankrupt the system.


    Election Structure Reform

    Replace Plurality Voting with RCV or STAR

    The current winner-take-all voting model fuels polarization and discourages new ideas.

    • Ranked Choice Voting (RCV): Voters rank candidates, and instant runoffs ensure winners have broad support.
    • STAR Voting: Voters score candidates, and the top two enter a runoff where majority support prevails.

    These systems reduce spoilers, empower moderates, and foster coalition building.


    Campaign Finance Reform

    Restore Voter Trust and Reduce Corruption

    • Publicly finance campaigns to reduce big donor influence
    • Cap political donations and independent expenditures
    • Close loopholes for Super PACs and dark money
    • Require real-time disclosure of political spending

    These measures are essential to ensure democratic legitimacy and reduce regulatory capture.


    Housing Access and Regulation

    Boarding Houses and Micro-Housing Development

    Encourage the development of communal housing with private rooms and shared amenities, priced at 1/3 of residents’ income. This model supports workforce housing in cities and dignified shelter for low-income individuals and families. Government can support via zoning reform, low-interest loans, and public-private partnerships.

    Limit Property Accumulation

    • Primary residences are tax-exempt
    • Second homes taxed at 10% of income produced
    • Third at 20%, and increasing to 90% for excess holdings
    • Foreign ownership of residential real estate prohibited

    These measures prevent speculative hoarding and prioritize housing for residents.

    Incentivize Vertical Development

    Apply per-building taxes to apartment complexes to encourage vertical over horizontal development, improving density and affordability.


    Illegal Immigration and Labor Reform

    Rational, Humane, and Enforceable Framework

    • Raise minimum wage to $12.50/hour—a historic average that balances inflationary risk with humane compensation
    • Cap undocumented worker pay at the same minimum wage
    • Grant two-year window for undocumented immigrants to register as guest workers
    • Allow employers to house and provide medical care to guest workers
    • Enforce E-Verify nationally
    • Defer wall construction, but keep the option if enforcement fails
    • No constitutional rights or voting privileges for guest workers
    • Maintain birthright citizenship, unless legally reconsidered

    This balances market need, compassion, and enforcement. It stabilizes immigration flows and protects American labor.


    Conclusion

    This policy framework reflects a comprehensive and integrated approach to 21st-century governance. It emphasizes:

    • Fiscal sustainability
    • Economic fairness
    • Regulatory discipline
    • Political reform
    • Social safety without dependency

    It bridges partisan divides by rooting each proposal in practical benefits, fairness, and systemic integrity.

    We cannot address 21st-century challenges with 20th-century thinking. Restoring the “policy” in politics starts with vision, courage, and a return to principled pragmatism.


    -### **Treat Guns Like Cars – Within Reason**Treating guns like cars offers a regulatory framework that balances rights with responsibility.*

    **Driver’s License = Firearm License**: You need a license to operate a car after passing written and practical tests. Requiring gun owners to pass safety and competency tests could reduce accidental shootings (approx. 500 per year in the U.S.).*

    **Vehicle Registration = Firearm Registration**: Cars must be registered and renewed periodically. A similar model for firearms could help trace weapons used in crimes—important since over **200,000 guns are stolen each year** in the U.S.*

    **Insurance**: Auto liability insurance incentivizes safer behavior. Firearm liability insurance could create market-based pressure for secure storage and safe use.>

    **Note**: We don’t register cars solely because they’re dangerous but because they’re used in public and have major third-party risks. Guns kept at home for self-defense may not need the same oversight as concealed carry.

    —### **Social Security Reform – Shared Sacrifice, Smarter Strategy

    **1. **Lift the Payroll Tax Cap** Currently, only income up to **\$168,600 (2024)** is taxed for Social Security. This means someone making \$1M pays the same Social Security tax as someone making \$168k. * **Effect**: Removing the cap could **eliminate 73%** of the projected long-term Social Security funding gap (CRFB, 2023). * It also helps restore fairness; over 90% of earners pay on all their income while the top 5–10% do not.

    2. **Modest Benefit Cuts for High Earners** Cutting Social Security benefits by 10% for the top 20% of earners would save money without harming low-income retirees. * Top earners typically have other retirement income streams (401(k)s, IRAs, investments). * The Social Security Administration estimates that **higher-income retirees rely on Social Security for only \~20%** of their income, compared to **90% for low-income seniors**.

    3. **Increase Payroll Tax by 2 Percentage Points** The current combined payroll tax rate is **12.4% (6.2% employer, 6.2% employee)**. Raising this to **14.4%** would gradually and broadly shore up the trust fund. * Cost for median income worker (\~\$60k/year): \~\$600/year more. * Would **close around 44% of the solvency gap** if phased in slowly (SSA data).

    4.**Invest in Real Estate Rental Funds** Currently, Social Security Trust Funds are invested solely in low-yield Treasury bonds. * Real estate, particularly residential rentals, provides **3–5% annual returns**, plus inflation protection. * A **diversified investment strategy** (like Canada’s pension plan) could yield higrher long-term returns, improving sustainability. * For example, **the Canada Pension Plan Investment Board (CPPIB)** invests in infrastructure and global real estate and earned an average **10-year return of 9.6%** (as of 2023).—

    ….

    The Correlation Between Union Power and Income Inequality

    In contemporary American political discourse, the issues of income inequality and the role of labor unions are often debated, with a growing number of voices arguing for a stronger correlation between the two. As illustrated in a recent social media post from Robert Reich, historical data suggests a powerful inverse relationship: as union membership in the United States has declined, the share of national income held by the wealthiest 10 percent has steadily increased. This trend suggests that the weakening of labor unions has been a significant factor in the widening of the wealth gap.

    Historically, labor unions served as a crucial counterbalance to corporate power. By organizing and bargaining collectively, unions were able to secure higher wages, better benefits, and safer working conditions for their members. This collective action not only benefited union workers but also exerted upward pressure on wages in non-unionized sectors, as companies sought to remain competitive in the labor market. The graph in question shows that during the period when union membership was at its peak—from the mid-20th century into the 1970s—the share of national income going to the top 10 percent was at its lowest. This period is often referred to as the “golden age” of the American middle class, characterized by broad-based prosperity and reduced income disparity.

    However, starting in the latter half of the 20th century, union membership began a long-term decline due to a combination of factors, including political opposition, anti-union legislation, and shifts in the American economy from manufacturing to services. Coincidentally, as union power waned, the share of national income captured by the wealthiest Americans began a sharp ascent. This parallel trend suggests that without the negotiating power of unions, a larger portion of the wealth generated by the economy has flowed to the top, rather than being distributed more broadly to workers.

    The argument, therefore, is that a robust union presence is not merely a matter of protecting workers’ rights but is essential for maintaining a more equitable society. If the goal is to address the growing issue of income inequality, then rebuilding and strengthening labor unions may be a critical step. Advocates of this view argue that empowering workers to bargain for a fairer share of profits could help reverse the trend of widening disparity, re-establish a strong middle class, and create a more balanced and just economic system. The graph serves as a powerful piece of evidence in this argument, suggesting that the path to a more equal society may lie in a return to the principles of collective action and worker solidarity that defined a previous era.

  • federal debt may not be that bad, just an accounting thing

    i personally believe too much debt is bad. but this guy below has another argument. it’s over my head. i think there’s some truth to what he says, but i don’t know. i know there are a lot of people smarter than me here, so maybe one of ya’ll can argue with what is posted below.

    Is the natinoal debt and deficit bad?
    Nowhere do these CRFB folks define what the National DEBT is.

    They don’t know.

    Yet, they screed about it as if they do.

    Our national debt is comprised of Treasury securities purchased by individuals firms and governments domestic and foreign who wish to preserve the value of their dollars.

    Ergo, the transfer their non-interest bearing dollars from checking accounts to purchase interest-bearing Treasury securities.

    The dollars used to buy the T-securities go into reserve accounts at the Federal Reserve and the T-securities are kept in security accounts at the Federal Reserve.

    In no way can these purchases (exactly like your purchase of a CD) be construed as debt.

    Interest is credited to T-security accounts by debiting the aforementioned Reserve accounts. No tax dollars are ever involved in paying interest on these SAVINGS ACCOUNTS.

    The DEBT CLOCK on 6th Ave, NYC is pure fraud. It does, however, record all the dollars that have been spent by the Federal government since 1778 and not yet taxed. The $20 trillion-plus represents our National Savings.

    Government debt is a private asset. You and I do not OWE government debt, we OWN it. Indeed, the only source of net dollar-denominated financial wealth is Federal government T-securities.

    Here’s a solution. Once the federal T-security sales reach $21.1 trillion, the Treasury would be prohibited from selling any more bonds. Treasury would continue to spend by crediting bank accounts of recipients, and reserve accounts of their banks. Banks would offer excess reserves in overnight markets, but would find no takers—hence would have to be content holding reserves and earning whatever rate the Fed wants to pay. But as Chairman Bernanke told Congress, this is no problem because the Fed spends simply by crediting bank accounts. (L. Randall Wray) https://goo.gl/m9hdQW

    As for the Federal Deficit, they WRONGLY believe the Federal deficit is a bad thing.

    They are completely unaware of the fact that wherever there’s a deficit there’s a surplus … balance sheets must balance. A sovereign government deficit is nothing to fear. It is simply the mirror image of the non-government sector’s saving. As the US private sector retrenched to rebuild its balance sheet, the government’s balance moved toward deficit. There is an unrecognized identity at work. Domestic Private Balance + Domestic Government Balance + Foreign Balance = 0.

    In the case of the Federal budget deficit, it is equal to the penny to net financial surpluses in the non-government sector.

    That’s money in our checking accounts.

    When the gov spends that becomes income to individuals and firms in the private sector. It’s the new money that enters the economy interest-free and is essential in its contribution to economic growth. https://goo.gl/Fq9fKD

  • balanced budget amendment – spending as a percentage of GDP

    balanced budget. congress should set every item in the budget, except social security and health care, to be the same percent of GDP every year. like defense spending might be twenty percent of GDP, and it will stay that way every year even as our GDP rises.

    the exception, is that congress can always pass legislation on a case by case basis that deviates from this norm. by having this overall balanced budget approach, we will avoid the yearly debt ceiling fights that we see every year. those are risky, and they’re not sustainable. 

    of course, someone will complain that GDP shrinks during recessions. historically and practically, though, that’s not a big deal. as was said, congress can always pass legislation on a case by case basis to deficit spend even more so. but just as importantly, though, is the fact that GDP doesn’t shrink much during recessions, usually just a few percent. even during the great recession, GDP only shrunk 5 percent…. so, a 5 percent spending cut isn’t that big of a deal. of course, during the great depression GDP shrunk 30 percent… so congress would need to use its case by case power to deal with that sorta situation, cause there are no good options during those times other than to deficit spend to stimulate the economy but maybe not too much, it’s their judgment call. 

    the reason social security and health care are exempted, are because those are expected to change over time, given the government has been borrowing against medicare and SS and currently is trying to pay them back and demographics change over time. the thing is, with these debt ceiling fights, republicans are trying to cut say spending on say food stamps, in order to have enough money to pay social security back. that’s the way our accounting is structured. that choice shouldnt exist… social security should just do its own thing and rise and fall on its own merit. it shouldn’t come at the cost of other programs, such as food stamps. forcing a choice between paying seniors more and paying poor people less (or giving less food to hungry people) shouldn’t be a thing that politicians do. social security can be figured out on its own and congressmen will be forced to reckon given by 2033 the trust fund is going to run out of money and can only pay 80 percent of benefits. maybe taxes on the rich can go up on their payroll tax, benefits for the rich can be cut, retirement age can go up, maybe everyone can chip in a little more on their pay roll taxes. point, solutions are out there, but it shouldn’t be intermixed with other governemnt spending. one of the biggest mistakes ever congress made was borrowing against social security and medicare. and on that point, healthcare spending needs to be tackled on its own just like social security, for many of the same reasons.