### **A Smarter Alternative to Student Loans: Income-Based Education Contributions**
Instead of relying on traditional student loans, graduates should pay a fixed percentage of their income—say **5% to 10% annually for ten years**—as an education contribution. There would be **no loans, interest, or debt collection**, just a clear future payment schedule tied to income. The government could estimate the net present value of those future payments and fund colleges upfront, recovering the funds later through the tax system.
This approach aligns the incentives of **students, schools, and society** far better than the current model. Colleges would have a direct financial stake in ensuring that their graduates are **economically viable**, since the government’s payments to schools would depend on graduates’ real-world success. As a result, universities would be motivated to focus more on **practical education** and less on unnecessary coursework or inflated program lengths.
At the same time, the government could still require a small set of **foundational courses**—basic psychology, sociology, science, math, writing, and reading—to ensure that all graduates possess a well-rounded general education. But beyond that, institutions would have the flexibility to streamline degrees for efficiency and employability.
This model also encourages **shared responsibility**: students still “chip in” for their own education through their future earnings, which resonates with conservative values of accountability and self-reliance. Meanwhile, progressives can support it for its fairness—those who earn more contribute more, while those with lower incomes aren’t crushed by debt.
Over time, the system would **self-correct**. Programs that consistently produce low-earning graduates would receive less funding, prompting universities either to improve those programs or scale them back. In turn, high-performing programs would thrive, creating a natural feedback loop between educational value and economic outcome.
For example, a humanities degree might remain viable for top-performing students with exceptional talent or drive, but schools would no longer be rewarded for enrolling unqualified students into costly programs that yield poor job prospects. This isn’t punitive—it simply ensures that resources are invested where they produce meaningful returns for both the student and society.
The result would be a more **rational, results-driven education system**—one that balances personal freedom, economic realism, and social fairness.
Ultimately, proposals like this are the kind of **concrete, policy-focused solutions** that Washington should be pursuing. Bureaucracy and politics have distracted us from pragmatic reform. It’s time to rebuild education financing around **outcomes, responsibility, and opportunity** rather than debt.
———————–
**A Smarter Path to Fiscal Discipline: Linking Spending to GDP**
America’s federal budget process has become a cycle of chaos—annual debt ceiling standoffs, partisan brinkmanship, and short-term fixes that ignore the structural problems underneath. A better approach is to **tie federal spending to the size of the economy** itself.
Under this plan, **Congress would set every major category of discretionary spending**—defense, infrastructure, education, welfare, and so forth—as a **fixed percentage of GDP**, rather than an arbitrary dollar amount. For example, defense spending might be set at 4% of GDP, and it would automatically scale as the economy grows.
This framework would maintain a **balanced budget by design**, ensuring that government spending grows no faster than the economy that supports it.
### **Built-In Flexibility**
Of course, no formula can anticipate every circumstance. Congress should retain the authority to **override the GDP rule on a case-by-case basis**, such as during wars, recessions, or natural disasters. But by default, spending would stay in sync with the nation’s productive capacity.
This balance between **discipline and flexibility** would end the recurring debt ceiling crises that destabilize financial markets and erode public trust.
### **What About Recessions?**
Critics might object that GDP contracts during recessions, forcing automatic spending cuts. In practice, this effect would be modest. Even during the Great Recession, GDP fell by only about **5%**, meaning a 5% temporary cut—not catastrophic.
In extreme downturns, like the Great Depression’s 30% collapse, Congress could simply use its emergency authority to **temporarily exceed the GDP rule** and stimulate recovery. This model doesn’t handcuff policymakers—it simply forces **intentionality** and **transparency** in deficit spending.
### **Why Social Security and Healthcare Should Be Exempt**
Two major spending categories—**Social Security and healthcare**—should remain **outside** this GDP-based cap. These programs are unique because their costs depend on demographics, prior borrowing, and promises made decades ago.
Right now, Washington’s accounting system **pits essential programs against each other**. For example, to “save” Social Security, lawmakers may cut food assistance or housing aid—forcing a false moral choice between supporting seniors and feeding children. That’s a broken structure, not a moral dilemma.
Social Security should stand on its own balance sheet. Its looming shortfall—projected to reduce benefits to 80% by 2033—deserves an honest, separate debate. Possible fixes include:
* Modestly raising payroll taxes on higher earners
* Gradually increasing the retirement age
* Adjusting benefits for wealthier retirees
* Or a balanced mix of all three
Similarly, **healthcare spending** should be treated as its own long-term challenge, with reform driven by cost efficiency and demographic trends, not annual budget negotiations.
### **The Goal: Stability, Fairness, and Accountability**
This GDP-linked budget rule would restore **fiscal sanity** without sacrificing economic agility. It would end the recurring hostage crises over the debt ceiling, promote predictability in federal planning, and create a transparent link between **national prosperity and national spending**.
By carving out Social Security and healthcare for separate, long-term reform, Congress could finally confront those programs on their own merits—without raiding or sacrificing other priorities.
This is the kind of **realistic, bipartisan solution** America needs: disciplined, flexible, and grounded in both economics and common sense.
———————–
**A Modern Boarding House System to Help Solve the Affordable Housing Crisis**
America’s housing crisis is not just about supply—it’s about **structure**. We’ve priced ordinary people out of shelter while dismantling the very housing models that once kept communities stable and affordable. The solution isn’t endless subsidies or luxury development—it’s the **rebirth of the boarding house**, redesigned for the 21st century.
### **1. The Model: Affordable, Shared Housing with Accountability**
In this system, **boarding houses** would be built and maintained by **private contractors using federal loans administered through the states**. This ensures efficiency and oversight while removing the excessive profit motive that has distorted both public housing and private markets.
Each resident would have **a private room** but share kitchens, bathrooms, and common spaces—lowering costs dramatically through shared infrastructure. Rent would be **set at one-third of a resident’s income**, ensuring fairness and affordability across income levels.
Those with little or no income would pay very little. Those with moderate means would pay proportionally more—giving them a **natural incentive** to transition to independent housing as their finances improve.
### **2. Funding and Sustainability**
Instead of simply **paying people’s rent**, as many current programs do, this system **creates assets that repay their cost**. Federal funds would operate as **revolving loans**—money lent to build and maintain facilities, repaid over time by income-based rents. In this way, the program becomes **fiscally sustainable** rather than another permanent subsidy.
### **3. Behavioral Expectations and Community Standards**
One hard truth of housing policy is that **shared environments can collapse without order**. Drug abuse, crime, and untreated mental illness can turn affordable housing into unsafe housing.
To prevent this, residents would **voluntarily agree to a behavioral contract** as a condition of residence, including **waivers permitting random drug searches** and compliance checks. This ensures a clean, stable living environment and deters criminal activity.
Such measures would be **constitutional when based on informed consent** and could be carried out under the supervision of state housing authorities or independent community boards to prevent abuse.
### **4. Addressing the Hardest Cases**
Not everyone would fit into this model. A small subset of people—those with **severe mental illness, violent criminal histories, or entrenched addiction**—would require specialized treatment or secure housing arrangements. These cases would need **targeted social or medical interventions**, handled separately from the general boarding system.
### **5. The Broader Benefits**
* **Efficiency:** Shared housing uses less land, less infrastructure, and less energy per person.
* **Fairness:** Everyone contributes something—no one gets a completely free ride.
* **Mobility:** Residents can move upward as their circumstances improve, freeing space for others.
* **Community:** Shared living fosters connection, responsibility, and a sense of belonging—antidotes to the isolation that often drives addiction and despair.
### **6. A Realistic Path Forward**
This proposal is not utopian—it’s practical. We already spend enough on housing assistance to fund such a model; we simply **spend it inefficiently**. By replacing fragmented aid programs with an accountable, income-based boarding system, we could eliminate most homelessness while rebuilding the ladder between poverty and stability.
The only people left outside would be those who **refuse structure altogether**—and they, too, would be addressed through case-by-case outreach and care.
—
### **Conclusion**
The affordable housing crisis can’t be solved by slogans or subsidies alone. It demands **a structural solution**—one that blends compassion with accountability, public support with personal responsibility.
Modern boarding houses, fairly funded and firmly managed, could provide that missing middle ground: **a humane, cost-effective bridge between the street and self-sufficiency.**
———————–
**A Realistic Path to Affordable Healthcare: Regulate Costs and Insurance, Not Rebuild the System**
Anyone who knows me knows that **healthcare affordability** is the issue I care most about. In a prosperous country like the United States, everyone should have access to care — not as a luxury, but as a basic right.
Yet, after years of studying how other nations do it, I’ve come to realize that America’s political system may be **too entrenched and too corrupted by special interests** to deliver a clean, ideal fix like “Medicare for All.”
### **1. The Real Problem: Prices, Not Patients**
The United States spends **roughly twice as much per person on healthcare** as other developed nations, despite similar or worse outcomes. The main reason isn’t that Americans use more care — it’s that we **pay vastly higher prices** for everything: hospital stays, drugs, procedures, and even basic services.
Most countries control healthcare costs through **national or regional price regulation** — essentially saying, “Here’s what this service is worth.” In contrast, U.S. providers are allowed to charge whatever the market will bear, and insurance companies simply pass those inflated costs along.
That’s why our system devours nearly **20% of GDP**, while others deliver better care at 10–12%.
### **2. The Middleman Problem: For-Profit Insurance**
Private insurance adds little real value to healthcare delivery.
* Administrative overhead for private insurers averages **15–20%**, compared to **2–3% for Medicare**.
* Profit motives push insurers to deny care, not manage costs.
We don’t need to eliminate private insurance, but we should **make it nonprofit**, as many European countries have done. This would preserve consumer choice while eliminating the incentive to inflate costs.
### **3. A Smarter Way Forward: Regulate and Gradually Slow Growth**
Rather than tearing down the current system, the U.S. should **keep existing structures**—Medicare, Medicaid, private insurance—but **cap healthcare cost growth** below the rate of inflation for a fixed period, perhaps 5–10 years.
This wouldn’t slash prices overnight — that would shock the system. Instead, it would gradually bring healthcare costs back in line with the broader economy, allowing hospitals and providers to adapt.
At the same time, the federal government could:
* Expand **Obamacare in states that haven’t adopted it**, covering millions more low-income people.
* Allow **upper-income uninsured individuals** to buy into **Medicaid-like plans**, paying full or near-full cost if they can afford it.
* Continue **price benchmarking**: Medicare pays roughly one-third less than private insurers, and Medicaid pays about one-third less than Medicare. Expanding these benchmarks would normalize our prices to international standards over time.
### **4. Why Not Medicare for All?**
“Medicare for All” sounds appealing, but under current political realities it’s risky. With **lobbyists dominating Washington**, universal coverage could easily become universal price gouging — bankrupting the country rather than saving it.
The better approach is to **fix the market we already have**. Make it fair. Make it efficient. And make it affordable. Once costs are controlled, universal coverage becomes achievable without economic shock.
### **5. The Principle: Healthcare as a Right, Profit as a Tool, Not a Master**
Healthcare should not be a profit engine. It should be a **public good**, delivered through **private and public channels** that serve the same goal: keeping people healthy without financial ruin.
By focusing on **price regulation** and **nonprofit insurance**, America can reach the same results as nations with universal care — affordable access for all — without risking economic collapse or political gridlock.
—
### **Conclusion**
The United States doesn’t need to copy another country’s healthcare system. It just needs to **discipline its own**.
By regulating prices, limiting profit motives, and expanding coverage incrementally, we can cut costs nearly in half while preserving the freedom and innovation of our mixed system.
That’s not idealism — it’s **practical reform that works with the system we have**, not against it.
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**A Humane and Economically Responsible Immigration Policy**
The United States faces the challenge of balancing **immigration enforcement, economic needs, and humane treatment**. A practical solution involves creating a structured, temporary **visitor worker program** tied to economic realities.
### **1. Wage Alignment and Economic Fairness**
To protect domestic workers while remaining humane, we should set the **minimum wage at $12.50 per hour**—historically close to the average after inflation.
* This ensures that American workers are not undercut while maintaining affordability for employers.
* The wage cap discourages extreme profit-seeking that could incentivize illegal labor exploitation.
### **2. Visitor Worker Status**
Illegal immigrants would be offered a two year window
to gain **legal visitor worker status**.
* They would **voluntarily register** during this window.
* Violations of the law, such as criminal activity, would result in deportation.
* Visitor workers would **receive room, board, and basic medical provisions** from their employers, creating a structured and humane employment environment.
This system allows labor to move efficiently where it’s most needed while gradually **integrating workforce needs** with the domestic economy.
### **3. Legal Compliance Mechanisms**
Businesses must use **E-Verify** to confirm worker eligibility.
* Registered visitor workers automatically pass verification.
* Strict enforcement will discourage illegal labor while keeping essential industries supplied.
### **4. Optional Physical Barriers**
While a wall or fence could help reduce illegal entry or drug trafficking, it is **not immediately necessary**. Long-term enforcement and verification measures are more cost-effective and flexible. Illegal Immigration after all doesnt go endlessly up, it just fluctuates, after all, and with everify and deportation crack downs, itd likely go downward
### **5. Rights and Citizenship**
Visitor workers would **not receive constitutional rights or voting privileges**.
* Birthright citizenship could be reconsidered, though children born in the U.S. may still be naturalized.
* These measures focus on maintaining sovereignty and legal consistency without unnecessary cruelty.
### **6. Balancing Humaneness and Law**
This approach acknowledges the **human dignity of immigrant laborers** while **enforcing the rule of law**.
* Most undocumented immigrants are law-abiding.
* By providing structured legal pathways, the system minimizes the risk of exploitation and reduces political and social friction.
### **7. Long-Term Outlook**
Over time, the program aims to:
* Phase immigrant labor into regulated, transparent channels.
* Protect domestic employment and wages.
* Allow the free market to allocate labor where it’s most productive.
This policy combines **economic prudence, humane treatment, and legal enforcement**, providing a **realistic, fair, and implementable framework** for managing immigration in the United States.
———————-
**Why the U.S. Cannot Replicate the Welfare States of Other Countries Without Losing Competitiveness**
It is commonly said that the United States pays lower taxes than other developed nations. While partially true in headline numbers, this comparison **misses the broader context of total spending and systemic inefficiencies**.
### **1. Nominal Taxes vs. Total Spending**
* The U.S. collects about **24% of GDP in taxes**, below the OECD average of **33%**.
* However, the U.S. spends roughly **18% of GDP on healthcare**, with about **half funded privately**. If this private expenditure were included, our total effective spending on social services is roughly **on par with other developed nations**.
### **2. Key Structural Differences**
Three factors make the U.S. system appear more “tax-efficient” than it actually is:
1. **Healthcare inefficiency:** Our system costs roughly **twice as much per capita** as other developed countries.
2. **Military expenditure:** The U.S. maintains a military **larger than the next ten countries combined**, inflating government spending without contributing to social services.
3. **Historical borrowing from Social Security:** Decades of borrowing against Social Security and Medicare have delayed fiscal reckoning, meaning we must now begin paying down that debt. while this is sugnificant, estimates are that the government is only paying back about 2 trillion that it has borrowed, which isn’t a huge portion of our gdp
### **3. Implications of Raising Taxes**
Simply increasing tax rates would not replicate the welfare state of other countries at lower costs:
* Higher taxes could fund more social services, but due to **existing inefficiencies**, the U.S. might **spend more than other countries** while achieving the same outcomes.
* Without structural reform, higher taxation alone would **increase burdens without improving service efficiency**.
### **4. The Bottom Line**
While Americans nominally pay lower taxes, this statistic **ignores the hidden costs of private healthcare, military spending, and historical borrowing**. Any discussion of welfare expansion must address **structural inefficiencies** as much as tax policy.
**Housing Reform: Restoring Fair Access, Productive Ownership, and Improving Affordability**
To ensure housing serves people rather than speculation, ownership rules should prioritize residents and working families over corporations and absentee investors.
**1. Limit non-resident and corporate ownership.**
Primary homeownership should be reserved for individuals and families. Corporations and foreign entities would no longer be permitted to purchase or hold residential property directly. This ensures that housing functions as shelter and community investment—not as a financial asset detached from local realities.
**2. Discourage excessive property accumulation.**
To prevent the concentration of housing in the hands of a few, a **progressive property-profit tax** would apply to additional properties owned by individuals:
* 10% on net profits from a second home
* 20% on a third* Increasing by 10% for each additional property, up to 90% on the tenth and beyond.
This structure allows moderate ownership but disincentivizes speculative hoarding that limits supply and drives up prices for others.
**3. Apply similar principles to multi-building landlords.**
For apartment developers and landlords, the same progressive schedule would apply—not by the number of apartments, but by the number of separate buildings owned. This encourages **efficient design and higher-density living**, rewarding those who provide housing well rather than simply expanding their holdings.
**4. Broader outcomes.**
These measures would:
* Increase availability of single-family homes for first-time buyers
* Lower speculative demand, thereby reducing housing inflation
* Encourage responsible and efficient rental development
* Realign the housing market with its social purpose: to provide stable, affordable shelter and shared prosperity.
———————-
Yes—switching to ranked-choice voting (RCV) (or another form of voting reform) is critical to the long-term moral and political evolution of society.
Here’s why—unfiltered and straight:
🧨 Plurality Voting Is a Structural Failure
The current first-past-the-post (plurality) voting system, especially in the U.S., is:
- Inherently polarizing
Forces voters into binary choices, fueling tribalism. - Creates “lesser evil” voting
Discourages sincere, values-based voting in favor of strategic harm reduction. - Suppresses third parties and innovation
Keeps out nuanced or emerging ideas because they’re “spoilers.” - Encourages demagogues
Charisma and manipulation often outweigh character or competence when the game is winner-take-all with 30% of the vote. - Breaks trust
Voters disengage because they feel their voice is always swallowed up in zero-sum dynamics.
🧠 Plurality voting rewards outrage, identity signaling, and fear-based campaigning. It systematically punishes cooperation, nuance, and long-term thinking.
✅ Ranked-Choice Voting: A Path Toward Political Maturity
RCV, or Instant Runoff Voting, works by letting voters rank candidates in order of preference. It allows for:
- Majority consensus
No one can win with just a radical minority unless they’re broadly acceptable. - Policy-based voting
You can vote your values first, not just strategically. - Reduction in negative campaigning
Candidates want to be the 2nd or 3rd choice too—not just tear each other down. - More diverse candidates
New voices, independent thinkers, and bridge-builders get real traction. - Healthier democracy
Encourages a political culture of dialogue, not dueling extremes.
RCV isn’t perfect—but it is a massive upgrade. There are other good models too (approval voting, STAR voting), but all are superior to our current zero-sum format.
🌍 Big Picture: System Architecture Shapes Consciousness
If we are to become:
- A post-polarization society
- A civilization capable of solving planetary problems
- A culture that rewards wisdom over charisma…
…then electoral reform is essential.
Politics isn’t just who wins. It’s the architecture of collective decision-making. Right now, we are using a broken, primitive mechanism to navigate complex, interconnected, global issues. That’s like trying to run a neural network on a fax machine.
🧬 Bottom Line:
Yes, moving away from plurality voting is critical if we want to evolve beyond:
- Demagogues
- Entrenched duopolies
- Short-term fear politics
Ranked-choice voting is not the whole answer, but it’s one of the structural pillars of a healthier, wiser civilization.
The Law of Love 